Politics

Democracy culture in Bangladesh

Bangladeshi Democracy: A Culture Shock!

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Even though most Bangladeshis have no clue how to feel about it, Bangladeshi democracy, or democracy in Bangladesh is a popular talking point for two groups – those who do politics and think politics. The desire to talk about democracy, dispense democracy, and take control of democracy is so intense that they would not hesitate to eliminate any civil discourse about the issue, if necessary! It seems like democracy in Bangladesh is so valuable, so demanding, and so in short supply that many times it is exercised by Bangladesh’s state-of-the-art yelling, blaming, shouting name-calling method.

The impression of democracy in Bangladesh was on full display recently at a conference in New York City. Club Bangla, a Bangladeshi students association at Columbia University, organized a conference on Bangladesh democracy on March 29, 2017, in cooperation with Archer K Blood Center for Democracy. It was an experience they and some audience will perhaps not forget soon! The meeting displayed the state of Bangladesh’s democratic culture among the Bangladeshi community abroad in action!

The event was organized to discuss many issues in one session – the quality of democracy and development in Bangladesh, human rights, labor rights, freedom of expression, freedom of association, freedom from all kinds of extremism, right to life, right to vote without fear in a peaceful environment; and how to achieve a free, fair and an internationally accepted inclusive parliamentary election in Bangladesh due in 2019 with participation from all political parties in Bangladesh. The event itself was poorly organized compared to Columbia University’s standard – absentee speakers, last-minute time and venue change, no sound system, delay without explanation, etc. However, the two-and-a-half-hour conference was on.

Bangladesh democracy conference attendees in New York
Bangladesh democracy conference attendees in New York

At the event, three speakers talked about democracy in Bangladesh. Lisa Curtis, a senior research fellow on South Asia at the Heritage Foundation, spoke about the root and the rise of Islamic terrorism in Bangladesh. She praised the Bangladesh Government’s quick and cautious response to stem some recent terrorist activities. However, she stressed the need for a strong opposition party in Bangladesh, which she noticed, is absent due to the Bangladesh Government’s position on the opposition party (especially BNP) that they are the supporters of terrorism. Lisa recommended that the US government take a proactive role to ensure democratic processes in Bangladesh, including all major political parties.

The second speaker, Joyeeta Bhattacharjee, a Fellow with ORF’s Neighborhood Regional Studies Initiative, told the audience that India has a policy of no interference in any country’s internal affairs in Bangladesh. Democracy has two extremes: on the one hand, democracy represents the government of the people, by the people, for the people, and on the other hand, democracy has also been seen as an oppressive form of government. Where Bangladeshi people will stand in this spectrum, it is theirs to decide. According to her, democracy came to Bangladesh in 1991, but both parties – Awami League and BNP have their fair share of credit and blame to carry on the process.

The last speaker, Chaumtoli Huq, a Bangladeshi-American Human Rights Lawyer, Founder, Editor-in-Chief, and Curator of Law@theMargins, told the audience that the people of Bangladesh are still waiting for the democracy that has been promised to them. From the point of human rights, labor rights, marginalized communities, environmental justice, indigenous rights, civil and political rights, and the forced disappearance of the opposition party, Bangladesh has a long way to go. The government of Bangladesh’s depiction of the opposition party as a terrorist entity has a long repercussion. One of them is that the people seeking political asylum in the USA from Bangladesh are kept imprisoned longer and sent back to Bangladesh because their political party in Bangladesh has been painted as supporters of terrorism.

After the last speaker, the moderator, Dina Siddiqi, a fellow of the Center for the Study of Social Difference at Columbia University and a Professor of Anthropology at BRAC University in Dhaka, was invited by the audience, and due to time constraints, she wanted to take four questions. The moderator invited questions from the audience as they raised their hands. She requested to keep their question short.

Now, on a side note, seeing a politically motivated Bangladeshi with strong party affiliation asking a question is an art by itself. The questioner will generally start with a long history of Bangladesh and his role in it! Here is a hypothetical scenario:

Conventional WayBangladeshi Way
Moderator 〉 Please introduce yourself and ask your question.

Questioner 〉 Yes, Hi, my name is…… I am a member of…… My question is……

Moderator 〉 Please introduce yourself and ask your question.

Questioner 〉 I have a question. The question I am asking is very, very important today. Today it is extremely important to question because the politics of Bangladesh is extremely divided and poisonous. Is this the reason we liberated our golden Bangladesh from Pakistani hyenas by sacrificing three million people’s fresh chest blood? No, we didn’t fight and gave one ocean full of blood for bringing the crooked military-supported government to power. Our leader …

Moderator 〉 What is your question? Please ask directly in short.

Questioner 〉 I am coming to the question… yes, we should remain alert and powerful as the only genuine force behind all the good things in our golden Bangladesh, it is extremely important for the future of Bangladesh; otherwise, the vultures of independence will eat us alive which we never let that happen. Our honorable, bold, visionary, powerful, wise, knowledgeable world leader who has many admirers worldwide is directing us toward the number one place in the whole world…

Moderator 〉 Sir, what is your question? We have very little time, and others want to ask questions.

Questioner 〉 Yes, but before that, I want to introduce myself… I am the Organizing Secretary of… My father was a freedom fighter and……

However, the event’s time limitation and some politically activist audiences’ intentions collided when the moderator insisted on questions only. She was not interested in comments or remarks. But the audience had no questions; all they had were counterarguments, remarks, comments, opinions, rhetoric, and support for the Bangladesh government policy. The last speaker’s blunt criticism of Bangladesh’s current political climate was especially opposed vehemently by blaming her as an agent and anti-collaborating force of Bangladesh. “How much money did you get in commission?”, “Where do you get the information from?”, “Wrong information,” “You were born in Pakistan,” “Bangladesh has more democracy than America,” … and other comments were made loudly and openly.

Bangladesh Democracy Meeting in NYC
Bangladeshi-style democratic hullabaloo

Anyway, the QA session ended up shouting, yelling, blaming, interrupting, and then leaving the conference room altogether with the leaders. Half of the room was instantly empty! There were no concluding remarks. The event ended up with Lisa and Joyeeta leaving the room in a hurry, perhaps for security reasons. The main coordinator of the event, Kausar Mumin of Archer Blood Center for Democracy, disappeared! Club Bangla members were not sure what to do about this display of Bangladeshi democracy! There was no way anyone could discuss anything in that climate of intolerance.

It was a bad experience for all. Bangladeshi crowd there gave the guest speakers and a couple of non-Bangladeshi attendees a taste of Bangladeshi cultural practice that they will remember for a while.

Certainly, it was not a good day for Club Bangla members, mostly the second-generation Bangladeshi students at Columbia. They are generally happy with safe and innocent Bangladeshi cultural events on campus. But to introduce and increase awareness of the Bangla language and culture at Columbia University, it was their first initiative to organize an event on something political in nature, like a decent academic discussion on Bangladeshi democracy.

Bangla one-party democracy slogan
Repeat after me: one party, one…

Bangladesh is perhaps the most politicized nation in the world! Bangladeshi people love to talk about politics. Their passion for politics can be a great resource for Bangladeshi democracy. Still, if people can not participate in civil discourse or some intellectual discussion in a peaceful, respectful, meaningful way, then the resource can prove useless. No matter what, everyone has the right to express their minds. If you do not agree, then disagree respectfully. No one has to make mayhem for some academic talking points in front of a roomful of people at a prestigious university. No one needs a culture shock in the twenty-first century!

Bangladesh has many ingredients to practice democracy peacefully, especially abroad. If shouting is the way to go for Bangladeshi political culture, you will lose the respect of young Bangladeshis growing up abroad. What kind of country would Bangladesh be if the next generations of Bangladeshis abroad are not proud of the culture you instilled in them?

For many, the sport is as serious as if it is a war, and for some, war is as much fun as it is a sport. When democracy is under the control of a few, it has less opportunity to be serious, creative, productive, and fun. I hope Bangladeshi democracy can be a culture of sports, not a war.

Thanks to Sumya Akkas, Alema Begum, and other members of the Club Bangla team for their initiative.
Bangladeshi community living in USA - Know Your Rights information

Bangladeshi Community in USA: Know Your Rights

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Since the winning of the US presidential election by Mr. Donald Trump with anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim rhetoric, the fear of deportation and harassment among many ethnic communities is genuine. The Bangladeshi community in the USA is also experiencing anxiety, apprehension, and uncertainty. Bangladeshis are often victims of crimes – from race-related shouting to victims of killing in broad daylight. The political tension in the USA after the 2016 election makes the situation even more emotionally stressful. Legal residents and citizens are worried about hate crimes and racial profiling. Undocumented residents are fearful of intimidation and deportation. To address these issues, some organizations organize events to inform the residents about ‘Know Your Rights.’

Regarding Know Your Rights, many members of the USA’s Bangladeshi community have some limitations, such as lack of civil rights knowledge, undocumented immigration status, fear of law enforcement authorities, language barrier, introverted culture, etc.

Below is information about what to know and how to exercise your civil rights if and when challenged. (These are not legal advice; contact a lawyer for legal issues)

If the police stop you

English পুলিশ যদি আপনাকে থামায়
  • Be polite and respectful. Never bad-mouth a police officer.
  • Stay calm and control your words, body language, and emotions.
  • Don’t get into an argument with the police.
  • Remember, anything you say or do can be used against you.
  • Please keep your hands where the police can see them.
  • Don’t run.
  • Don’t touch any police officer.
  • Don’t resist even if you believe you are innocent or if the police are acting unfairly or even unlawfully.
  • Please don’t complain about the scene or tell the police they’re wrong or that you will file a complaint.
  • Do not make any statements regarding the incident.
  • Ask for a lawyer immediately upon your arrest.
  • Remember the officer’s badge and patrol car numbers.
  • Write down everything you remember ASAP.
  • Try to find witnesses by their names and phone numbers.
  • If you are injured, take photographs of the injuries as soon as possible, but seek medical attention first.
  • If you feel your rights have been violated, file a written complaint with the police department’s internal affairs division or civilian complaint board.
  • You should ask if you are under arrest or free to leave.
  • If police reasonably suspect you pose a danger to them or others, they may pat down your outer clothing (Frisk). Don’t physically resist, but say, “I do not consent to this search.”
  • If an officer asks you to empty your pockets – even if the officer says you won’t get in trouble – don’t do it. Say, “I do not consent to this search.” If the officer reaches into your pockets or bag, this is called a search.
  • In New York, you are not required to carry an ID, and you don’t have to show an ID to a police officer. However, suppose you are issued a summons or arrested and refuse to produce ID or tell officers who you are. In that case, the police may detain you until you can be positively identified.
  • বিনীত ও সন্মানসূচক ব্যবহার করুন। পুলিশ অফিসারকে কখনোই বাজে কথা বলবেন না।
  • শান্ত থাকুন। আপনার কথা, আচরণ, শারীরিক ভাষা ও আবেগ আপনার নিয়ন্ত্রণে রাখুন।
  • পুলিশের সঙ্গে তর্ক করবেন না।
  • মনে রাখবেন, আপনি যা কিছু বলবেন বা করবেন সবই আপনার বিরুদ্ধে ব্যবহার করা হতে পারে।
  • আপনার হাত এমনভাবে রাখুন যাতে পুলিশ সহজে দেখতে পারে।
  • পালানোর চেষ্টা করবেন না।
  • কোন পুলিশ অফিসারকে স্পর্শ করবেন না।
  • পুলিশের কাজ প্রতিহত করবেন না যদিও আপনি মনে করেন যে আপনি নির্দোষ বা পুলিশ অন্যায় বা অবৈধ ব্যবহার করছে।
  • ঘটনাস্থলে কোন অভিযোগ বা তারা ভুল করছে বা আপনি তাদের বিরুদ্ধে অভিযোগ করবেন এমন কোনকিছু বলবেন না।
  • ঘটনাস্থলে কোন বিবৃতি বা মন্তব্য করবেন না।
  • আপনি গ্রেফতার হলে একজন আইনজীবীর জন্য অবিলম্বে জিজ্ঞাসা করুন।
  • অফিসারের ব্যাজ ও গাড়ির নম্বর মনে রাখুন।
  • যতটা সম্ভব সবকিছু স্মরণ করে দ্রুত লিখে রাখুন।
  • আশেপাশে সাক্ষী থাকলে তাদের নাম এবং ফোন নম্বর নিয়ে রাখুন।
  • আপনি আহত হলে জখম/আহতস্থলের ছবি তুলে রাখুন কিন্তু চিকিৎসার জন্যে দ্রুত সাহায্য চান।
  • আপনি আপনার অধিকার লঙ্ঘিত হয়েছে বলে মনে করলে পুলিশ বিভাগের অভ্যন্তরীণ বিষয়ক বিভাগে বা বেসামরিক অভিযোগ বোর্ডে একটি লিখিত অভিযোগ দায়ের করতে পারেন।
  • জিজ্ঞাসা করুন আপনাকে কি গ্রেফতার করা হবে নাকি আপনি যেতে পারেন। (“Am I being detained?” or “Am I free to go?”)
  • পুলিশ যদি যুক্তিসঙ্গতভাবে সন্দেহ করে যে আপনি তাদের বা অন্যদের জন্য বিপদের কারণ তাহলে তারা আপনার বাইরের পোশাক চাপড়িয়ে দেখতে পারে (Frisk)। পুলিশের এই কাজে প্রতিহত করবেন না কিন্তু আপনার অসম্মতির কথা সজোরে জানাবেন যে আপনি এই অনুসন্ধান করতে রাজি না (“I do not consent to this search”).
  • পুলিশ অফিসার যদি আপনাকে আপনার পকেট খালি করে দেখাতে বলে, এমনকি আপনাকে আশ্বাস দেয় যে আপনার সমস্যা হবে না তাহলেও আপনি তাকে আপনার অসম্মতির কথা জানাবেন। অফিসার আপনার পকেট বা আপনার ব্যাগ সার্চ করতে চাইলে বাধা না দিয়ে বলুন, “I do not consent to this search.”
  • নিউ ইয়র্কে আপনাকে পরিচয়পত্র বহন করতেই হবে এমন কোন আইন নেই এবং পুলিশকে আইডি কার্ড দেখাতে হবে এমন কোন বাধ্যবাধকতা নেই। আপনাকে সমন জারি বা গ্রেফতার করা হলে আপনি যদি আইডি দেখাতে অস্বীকার করেন তাহলে পুলিশ আপনার পরিচয় সম্পর্কে ইতিবাচকভাবে নিশ্চিন্ত না হওয়া পর্যন্ত আপনাকে ধরে রাখতে পারে।
What to say to police when your civil rights are challenged
What to say to the police when your civil rights are challenged

If you are stopped in a car

Englishযদি আপনার গাড়ি থামানো হয়
  • Stop the car in a safe place as quickly as possible. Turn off the car, turn on the internal light, open the window part way and place your hands on the wheel.
  • Upon request, show police your driver’s license, registration, and proof of insurance.
  • If an officer or immigration agent asks to look inside your car, you can refuse to consent to the search. But if police believe your car contains evidence of a crime, your car can be searched without your consent. To protect yourself later, you should state that you do not consent to a search. It is not lawful for police to arrest you simply for refusing to consent to a search.
  • Both drivers and passengers have the right to remain silent. If you are a passenger, you can ask if you are free to leave. If the officer says yes, sit silently or calmly leave. Even if the officer says no, you can remain silent.
  • If you’re suspected of drunk driving (DWI), you will be asked to take blood, urine, or breath tests. If you fail the tests or refuse to accept them, you may be arrested, your driver’s license may be suspended, and your car may be taken away.
  • If you are arrested, your car will be subject to a search.
  • If you’re given a ticket, you should sign it; otherwise, you can be arrested. You can always fight the case in court later.
  • যত তাড়াতাড়ি সম্ভব নিরাপদ স্থানে গাড়ি থামান। গাড়ির ইঞ্জিন বন্ধ করুন, জানালা আংশিক খুলুন, আপনার হাত স্টিয়ারিং হুইলের উপর রাখুন।
  • অনুরোধক্রমে আপনার ড্রাইভার্স লাইসেন্স, রেজিস্ট্রেশন ও ইন্সুরেন্স পুলিশ অফিসারকে দেখান।
  • যদি পুলিশ অফিসার বা ইমিগ্রেশন এজেন্ট আপনার গাড়ির ভিতরে দেখতে চায়, আপনি সার্চ করতে আপনার অসম্মতি জানাতে পারেন। কিন্তু পুলিশ যদি মনে করে যে গাড়িতে কোন অপরাধের প্রমাণ আছে, সেক্ষেত্রে আপনার গাড়ি আপনার সম্মতি ছাড়া অনুসন্ধান করা হতে পারে। নিজেকে আইনগত ভাবে রক্ষার জন্য আপনি বলতে পারেন যে আপনি এই সার্চে আপনার সম্মতি নাই (“I do not consent to a search”). শুধুমাত্র সার্চে অসম্মতি জানানোর জন্য আইনসম্মতভাবে পুলিশ আপনাকে গ্রেফতার করতে পারে না।
  • ড্রাইভার এবং যাত্রী উভয়েরই চুপ থাকার অধিকার আছে আপনি যদি যাত্রী হন, তাহলে জিজ্ঞাস করুন আপনি যেতে পারেন কিনা? যদি পুলিশ সম্মতি দেয় তাহলে নীরবে শান্তভাবে চলে যেতে পারেন। যদি পুলিশ সম্মতি না দেয়, তাহলেও আপনার চুপ থাকার অধিকার আছে।
  • আপনাকে যদি মাতাল ড্রাইভিং (DWI) করার জন্যে সন্দেহ করা হয়, তাহলে আপনাকে রক্ত বা প্রস্রাব বা শ্বাস পরীক্ষা নিতে বলা হবে। আপনি যদি পরীক্ষাতে ব্যর্থ হন বা পরীক্ষা দিতে অস্বীকার করেন, তাহলে আপনাকে গ্রেফতার করা হতে পারে, আপনার ড্রাইভার্স লাইসেন্স স্থগিত করা হতে পারে এবং পুলিশ আপনার গাড়ি নিয়ে যেতে পারে।
  • আপনাকে গ্রেফতার করা হলে, আপনার গাড়ি সার্চ করে দেখা হতে পারে।
  • আপনাকে যদি টিকেট দেয়া হয়, টিকেটে আপনার স্বাক্ষর করা উচিত। অন্যথায় আপনাকে গ্রেফতার করা হতে পারে। আপনি সবসময় পরে আদালতে মামলা লড়াই করতে পারেন।

If police come to your home

Englishযদি পুলিশ আপনার বাসায় আসে
  • Police must have a warrant to enter your home, except in emergency situations (e.g., a person screaming, or when the police are chasing someone).
  • If the police say they have a warrant, ask to see it. Ask the officer to slip the warrant under the door or hold it up to the window so you can inspect it.
  • A search warrant allows police to enter the address listed on the warrant, but officers can only search the areas and the items listed.
  • An arrest warrant allows police to enter the home of the person listed on the warrant if they believe the person is inside. A warrant of removal/deportation (ICE warrant) does not allow officers to enter a home without consent.
  • When the police ask to enter or search your home without a warrant, you may refuse to allow them. If you are arrested in your home, the police can search you and the area immediately surrounding you or where evidence of criminal activity is in plain view, which rarely includes more than the room you are in.
  • Even if officers have a warrant, you have the right to remain silent. If you choose to speak to the officers, step outside and close the door.
  • আপনার বাড়িতে প্রবেশ করতে পুলিশের অবশ্যই ওয়ারেন্ট থাকতে হবে যদিনা তা জরুরী পরিস্থিতি হয়ে থাকে (কেউ চিৎকার করছে বা পুলিশ কারো পিছনে ধাওয়া করছে)
  • যদি পুলিশের ওয়ারেন্ট/পরোয়ানা থাকে তাহলে তা দেখতে চান। অফিসারকে বলুন দরজার নীচ দিয়ে পরোয়ানা দিতে বা জানালাতে দেখাতে যাতে আপনি তা পরীক্ষা করে দেখতে পারেন।
  • পুলিশ পরোয়ানায় তালিকাভুক্ত ঠিকানাতে প্রবেশ করতে পারে, কিন্তু শুধুমাত্র প্রাসঙ্গিক এলাকা এবং তালিকাভুক্ত আইটেম অনুসন্ধান করতে পারে।
  • গ্রেপ্তারি পরোয়ানায় উল্লেখিত ব্যক্তির জন্য পুলিশ বাড়ির ভেতরে ঢুকতে পারে, যদি তারা মনে করে যে ঐ ব্যক্তি বাসার ভেতরে আছে। অপসারণ/নির্বাসন বিষয়ক আদেশনামা থাকলেও পুলিশ সম্মতি ছাড়া বাড়িতে প্রবেশ করতে পারেনা।
  • যখন পুলিশ প্রবেশপত্র বা ওয়ারেন্ট ছাড়াই আপনার বাড়িতে অনুসন্ধান করতে চায়, আপনি তাদের অনুমতি দিতে প্রত্যাখ্যান করতে পারেন। আপনার বাড়িতে যদি আপনি গ্রেফতার হন, তাহলে পুলিশ আপনাকে অনুসন্ধান করতে পারে, নিকটস্থ পার্শ্ববর্তী এলাকা অনুসন্ধান করে দেখতে পারে যাকিনা খুব কমই আপনি যে রুমে আছেন তার চেয়ে বেশী হয়।
  • অফিসারদের পরোয়ানা থাকলেও আপনার চুপ থাকার অধিকার আছে। যদি আপনি অফিসারদের সাথে কথা বলতে চান তাহলে বাসার বাইরে যান এবং দরজা বন্ধ করে দিন।

If you are asked about your immigration status

Englishযদি আপনার অভিবাসন বা নাগরিকত্ব নিয়ে প্রশ্ন করা হয়
  • You have the right to remain silent and do not have to discuss your immigration or citizenship status with police, immigration agents or any other officials.
  • You do not have to answer questions about where you were born, whether you are a U.S. citizen, or how you entered the country. (Separate rules apply at international borders and airports and for individuals on certain nonimmigrant visas, including tourists and business travelers.)
  • If you are not a U.S. citizen and an immigration agent requests your immigration papers, you must show them if you have them with you. If you are over 18, carry your immigration documents with you at all times. If you do not have immigration papers, say you want to remain silent.
  • Do not lie about your citizenship status or provide fake documents.
  • আপনার চুপ থাকার অধিকার আছে এবং পুলিশ, ইমিগ্রেশন এজেন্ট বা অন্য কোনো কর্মকর্তাদের সাথে আপনার অভিবাসন বা নাগরিকত্ব অবস্থা নিয়ে আলোচনা বাধ্য নন।
  • আপনার জন্ম কোথায়, আপনি মার্কিন যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের নাগরিক কিনা, আপনি কিভাবে দেশে প্রবেশ করেছেন এসব সম্পর্কিত প্রশ্নের উত্তর দিতে বাধ্য নন। (পর্যটক ও ব্যবসা ভ্রমণকারী সহ কিছু নন ইমিগ্রান্ট ভিসাধারীদের জন্য আন্তর্জাতিক সীমান্ত ও বিমান বন্দর এলাকায় এ নিয়ম ভিন্ন)
  • আপনি যদি মার্কিন যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের নাগরিক না হন এবং ইমিগ্রেশন এজেন্ট আপনার অভিবাসন কাগজপত্র অনুরোধ করে, তাহলে আপনি তা তাদের দেখান যদি আপনার সাথে থাকে। যদি আপনার বয়স ১৮ বছরের বেশি হয় তাহলে সব সময় আপনার সাথে আপনার অভিবাসন কাগজপত্র রাখুন। অভিবাসন কাগজপত্র না থাকলে বলুন, আপনি চুপ থাকতে চান (‘I am going to remain silent’).
  • আপনার নাগরিকত্ব সম্বন্ধে মিথ্যা বা জাল কাগজপত্র প্রদান করবেন না।

If you are arrested or taken to a police station

Englishযদি আপনাকে গ্রেফতার বা পুলিশ কার্যালয়ে নেয়া হয়
  • Do not resist arrest, even if you believe the arrest is unfair.
  • Don’t tell the police anything except your name and address. Say you wish to remain silent and ask for a lawyer immediately. Don’t give any explanations, excuses, or stories. You can make your defense later, in court, based on what you and your lawyer decide is best.
  • If you can’t pay for a lawyer, you have the right to a free one. Don’t say anything, sign anything, or make any decisions without a lawyer. You can ask the police how to contact a lawyer.
  • You have the right to make a local phone call. The police cannot listen if you call a lawyer a relative, or any other person. If you are permitted to make a phone call, anything you say may be recorded or listened to at the precinct. Never talk about the facts of your case over the telephone.
  • Prepare yourself and your family in case you are arrested. Memorize the phone numbers of your family and your lawyer. Make emergency plans if you have children or take medication.
  • You must be taken before the judge within 48 hours after arrest.
  • গ্রেফতার প্রতিহত করবেন না যদিও আপনি মনে করেন যে গ্রেফতার অবৈধ।
  • পুলিশকে আপনার নাম এবং ঠিকানা ছাড়া আর কিছু বলতে হবে না। বলুন যে আপনি চুপ থাকতে চান (“I want to remain silent”) এবং একজন আইনজীবীর জন্য অবিলম্বে জিজ্ঞাসা করুন। কোন ব্যাখ্যা, অজুহাত বা গল্প বলার প্রয়োজন নেই। আপনি এবং আপনার আইনজীবী যা ভাল মনে করেন তার ভিত্তিতে সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়ে পরবর্তীতে কোর্টে নিজেকে রক্ষা করতে পারেন।
  • আপনি যদি আইনজীবীর জন্য টাকা না দিতে পারেন, আপনার বিনামূল্যে আইনজীবী পাওয়ার অধিকার আছে। আইনজীবী ছাড়া কোন কিছু বলবেন না, কোন কিছুতে সাক্ষর করবেন না, কোন সিদ্ধান্ত নেবেন না। কিভাবে একজন আইনজীবীর সাথে যোগাযোগ করবেন তা পুলিশকে জিজ্ঞাসা করতে পারেন।
  • আপনার একটি স্থানীয় ফোন কল করার অধিকার আছে। আপনি যদি একজন আইনজীবী বা আত্মীয় বা অন্য কোন ব্যক্তিকে ফোন করেন পুলিশের তা শোনার নিয়ম নেই। যদি আপনাকে পুলিশ কার্যালয়ে (থানা) ফোন করার অনুমতি দেয়া হয় তাহলে পুলিশ তা রেকর্ড করতে বা শুনতে পারে। আপনার মামলা সম্পর্কিত তথ্য ফোনে আলোচনা করবেন না।
  • আপনাকে গ্রেফতার করার সম্ভাবনা থাকলে আপনি নিজেকে এবং আপনার পরিবারকে প্রস্তুত রাখুন। আপনার পরিবার এবং আপনার আইনজীবীর ফোন নম্বর মুখস্থ রাখুন। আপনার সন্তান থাকলে বা আপনি ঔষধ খেলে জরুরী পরিকল্পনার কথা ভেবে রাখুন।
  • আপনাকে গ্রেফতারের ৪৮ ঘণ্টার মধ্যে আপনাকে বিচারকের সামনে উপস্থিত করতে হবে।

Special considerations for non-citizens

Englishঅ-নাগরিকদের জন্য বিশেষ বিবেচ্য বিষয়
  • Ask your lawyer about the effect of a criminal conviction or plea on your immigration status.
  • Don’t discuss your immigration status with anyone but your lawyer.
  • While you are in jail, an immigration agent may visit you. Do not answer questions or sign anything before talking to a lawyer.
  • Read all papers carefully and thoroughly. If you do not understand or cannot read the papers, tell the officer you need an interpreter.
  • Remember your immigration number (“A” number) and give it to your family. It will help family members locate you.
  • Keep a copy of your immigration documents with someone you trust.
  • You have the right to contact your consulate or have an officer inform the consulate of your arrest.
  • Do not sign anything without talking to a lawyer, such as a voluntary departure or stipulated removal. If you sign, you may be giving up your opportunity to try to stay in the U.S.
  • Regardless of your immigration or citizenship status, you have constitutional rights.
  • অপরাধী দোষী সাব্যস্ত হলে বা আত্মপক্ষসমর্থনের কৈফিয়ত আপনার অভিবাসন অবস্থার উপর কি প্রতিক্রিয়া ফেলতে পারে তা আপনার আইনজীবীকে জিজ্ঞাসা করুন।
  • আপনার অভিবাসন সম্পর্কিত অবস্থা আপনার আইনজীবী ছাড়া কারো সাথে আলোচনা করবেন না।
  • আপনি জেলে থাকা অবস্থায় ইমিগ্রেশন এজেন্ট আপনার সাথে সাক্ষাত করতে পারে। আপনার আইনজীবীর সাথে আলোচনা না করে কোন প্রশ্নের উত্তর দেবেন না, কোন কাগজে স্বাক্ষর করবেন না।
  • সাবধানে এবং সম্পূর্ণরূপে সব কাগজপত্র পড়ুন। যদি আপনি বুঝতে না পারেন বা পড়তে না পারেন তাহলে আপনাকে একজন দোভাষী দেয়ার জন্য অফিসারকে অনুরোধ করুন।
  • আপনার অভিবাসন সংখ্যা (“A” number) মনে রাখবেন। এবং আপনার পরিবারকে নম্বরটি দিয়ে রাখুন। এটা আপনাকে সনাক্ত করতে তাদের সাহায্য করবে।
  • আপনার অভিবাসন কাগজপত্রের একটি কপি আপনার আস্থাভাজন কারো কাছে জমা রাখুন।
  • আপনার কনস্যুলেট অফিসে যোগাযোগের অধিকার আছে বা একজন অফিসারকে আপনার গ্রেফতারের বিষয়টি কনস্যুলেটে জানাতে বলুন।
  • আইনজীবী কথা বলা না বলে স্বেচ্ছামূলক দেশত্যাগ বা শর্তভিত্তিক অপসারণ বিষয়ক কোন কাগজপত্রে স্বাক্ষর করবেন না। যদি স্বাক্ষর করে থাকেন তাহলে সম্ভবত আপনি মার্কিন যুক্তরাষ্ট্রে থাকার সুযোগ পরিত্যাগ করছেন।
  • আপনার অভিবাসন বা নাগরিকত্ব অবস্থা যাই হোক না কেন, আপনি সাংবিধানিক অধিকার আছে।

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Lawyers with Bangla Help

Bangladesh Society Election 2016 New York

Bangladesh Society, Inc: What next?

by

Out of numerous associations (or samity) created by the Bangladeshi community in New York, the Bangladesh Society, Inc is the largest. Founded in 1975 by a few individuals, the association has more than 18,000 members. Considering the size of the Bangladeshi immigrant community in New York, the number may seem small, but it is large compared to other Bangladeshi organizations’ membership.

Regardless of past activities and achievements of Bangladesh Society, Inc. and its effectiveness in the lives of New York’s Bangladeshi community, there have been steady efforts to make the organization more dynamic, relevant, and visible, offer events and programs, increase membership, run democratically, held regular peaceful elections.

Bangladesh Society, Inc. holds an election every two years for 19 posts: one each for President, Senior Vice President, Vice President, General Secretary, Vice General Secretary, Treasurer, Organizing Secretary, Cultural Secretary, Social Welfare Secretary, Literature Secretary, Sports & Recreation Secretary, School & Education Secretary, Public Relation Secretary, and six members.

This year, the Bangladeshi Society Election Commission arranged an election on October 26th. The Commission prepared five voting centers in the Bronx, Brooklyn, Jamaica, Ozone Park, and Woodside. Voting centers were open from 9:00 am to 9:00 pm. The Election Commission employed 63 security personnel, 55 polling officers, 101 polling agents, 52 voting machines, 32 voting machine operators, and six machine technicians. The expected expenditure is calculated to be more than $70,000 to run the election. The Commission also implemented a ‘No ID, No Vote’ policy, voter marking with invisible ink, ZIP code-based voting, and special arrangements for voters with disabilities, elderly, and small children to ensure safe, secure, peaceful, and maximum voter participation.

Over the years, the election has become the most exciting event of the association among all the activities and programs initiated by the Bangladesh Society. As the Bangladeshi community has grown manifold, the participants’ energy, excitement, and passion surrounding the election campaign were high. This year, 39 candidates competed for 19 posts – they were divided into two panels, plus there was one independent candidate without any panel. The hopefuls spent months busy soliciting votes from the members of the association. Bangladeshi community newspapers were full of advertisements every week. Candidates and their supporters carried out the campaign with posters, postcards, banners, flyers, calls, handshakes, hugs, meetings, slogans, and free food in Brooklyn, Bronx, and Queens – three boroughs where Bangladeshis are mainly concentrated.

The Bangladesh Society candidates promised to implement things important to the Bangladeshi community as their agenda. For example,

  • lobby for the Bangladesh Day Parade in New York City;
  • establish Bangladesh Community Center;
  • build a permanent Shaheed Minar in NYC;
  • observe Bangladesh Independence Day in City Halls; 
  • involve the Bangladeshi community with mainstream American politics and civic processes;
  • build Bangla school for the new generation of Bangladeshi kids;
  • organize computer training for Bangladeshi kids and adults;
  • arrange English education for Bangladeshi adults;
  • offer scholarships to talented Bangladeshi kids;
  • establish better communication with all Bangladeshi associations and media outlets;
  • lobby with the Bangladesh government to preserve the interests of Non-Resident Bangladeshis;
  • reduce Bangladesh Society membership fee;
  • emphasis on elderly health and immigration-related assistance;
  • provide information about City, State, and Federal job opportunities;
  • create Bangladeshi immigrant welfare and legal funds;
  • demand reopening of Bangladesh airline’s NY-Dhaka-NY route;
  • lobby and coordinate with the United Nations and US government regarding Bangladesh’s environmental problems;
  • facilitate online membership of the Society;
  • build a welcome center for newly arriving Bangladeshis and help them find jobs;
  • stop hate crimes and demand justice and compensation;
  • create Bangladesh community database and make the Society’s website informative;
  • involve previous society officials in various aspects of the organization, and so on.

Candidates for the Bangladesh Society election are involved in several types of work – most are self-employed, successful, and connected with the community. Candidates are involved with businesses like insurance, real estate, mortgage, paralegal, taxi training, construction, grocery, printing, news media, medical, import-export, community organization, etc. Most candidates have experience in association with Bangladeshi regional associations, mosques, and not-for-profit organizations. Some were previously working with Bangladesh Society, Inc.

The election was not cheap. To attend, each candidate of the Bangladesh Society paid $300 for the nomination package first. Then, position-wise, they paid the following amounts:

President1$4,500
Senior Vice-President1$3,500
Vice-President1$3,000
General Secretary1$3,500
Asst General Secretary1$2,000
Treasurer1$1,500
Organizing Secretary1$1,500
Departmental Secretary6$1,250
Executive Member6$1,000

Then, there are expenses for the campaign activities. According to one estimate, the election cost may have exceeded one million US dollars! The forecast includes election payment, multiple meetings in neighborhoods where Bangladeshis live, candidate’s introduction party, venue renting, food, advertisement on Bangladeshi ethnic newspapers and TV, mailing materials, print advertisement material, car service, opportunity cost, etc. For the election of a not-for-profit organization like Bangladesh Society and a relatively new immigrant community in the New York City scene, anticipation about voting was very elevated and highly noticeable among the Bangladeshi community.

Ultimately, the Bangladesh Society Election Commission declared the outcome after midnight. The defeated team conceded their loss and congratulated the winning group. The election ended in a very non-Bangladeshi way – without violence, free and fair, peaceful, with some festive environment and less commotion.

What’s next for Bangladesh Society, Inc.?

Bangladesh Society’s activities, programs, achievements, and successes are minimal, considering its age. What’s next for this organization depends on its leadership’s ability, quality, strategy, and vision. Since its inception, Bangladesh Society Inc. has mostly celebrated Ekushey February, Bangladesh Independence, and Victory Day, arranged picnics and Iftar parties, organized several tax filing and legal aid events, offered discussion meetings, gave receptions, bought cemetery plots, distributed awards, carried banners, offered statements, etc. However, it has never become an important organization for the Bangladeshi community living in New York.

So, what’s next for the association is difficult to tell. Perhaps the newly elected leadership will try again to fulfill the campaign promises – many of them are repeated past election campaigns. Even some campaign promises (building Bangladesh Center, establishing Bangla School, liaison with mainstream politics and other organizations, etc.) are listed in the original constitution of Bangladesh Society of New York, but they were never realized!

The winning panel is eager to increase the number of members of Bangladesh Society by reducing the membership fee from $10 to $5. The winning team wants to implement it within 90 days. It is fun to have more members during election time, regardless of organizational effectiveness. Bangladesh Society is a not-for-profit social community organization, but its election felt like a full-fledged political campaign. As politics is one of the top recreational activities for Bangladeshi people, more membership will add more excitement to the fun.

However, Bangladesh Society, Inc. and Bangladesh Society Election Commission have missed the first and best opportunity to make the organization more visible online. Both entities could have promoted their websites during this election by posting all information – candidate’s bio, campaign promises, mandates, election results, etc.). Even after three weeks of the election, no result has been available online (yet)!

Bangladesh Society, Inc. wants to provide English language classes, offer computer training, and make a valuable website for the Bangladeshi community in New York. Great, but what about some training for elected officials themselves? Participating in some short management courses/seminars offered by the American Management Association or NYC Small Business Services, or other organizations may increase the effectiveness and understanding of elected officials.

Bangladesh Society, Inc. has attracted one class of Bangladeshis, but not most. As long as Bangladeshis are attracted and attached more to their tiny little local-level regional organizations, Bangladesh Society will carry merely a sense of the aurora of ‘Bangladesh’ in its name. To appeal to the broader Bangladeshi community, the organization needs to think radically, establish instances, break the norms, follow other successful organizations, create a new path, and perhaps forget being Bangladeshi for some time.

“You take the blue pill, and the story ends. You wake up in your bed and believe whatever you want to believe. You take the red pill, you stay in Wonderland, and I show you how deep the rabbit hole goes.” What pill Bangladesh Society will take depends on the capacity and desire of the newly elected leadership.

Shapes of Enclaves near Bangladesh-India Border

Maps of Bangladesh you may never seen or how to draw map the British way!

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To draw a map of Bangladesh is not easy. It is nearly impossible for anyone to draw an accurate and complete map of Bangladesh if all the enclaves are included in the account. No geography books in Bangladeshi schools have them drawn! These enclaves are also unseen, forgotten, and neglected because they are difficult to visit, communication is controlled, daily life activities are limited, and developments are unworkable.

What is an enclave? Enclaves (Chitmahal in Bangla) are defined as a fragment of one country surrounded by another. They are not uncommon – many enclaves in many parts of the world were created due to historical, political, or geographical reasons. However, Bangladesh-India enclaves represent 80% of the total number of enclaves in the world since the 1950s.

A British Lawyer, Cyril Radcliffe, was given 37 days to draw a border between so-called ‘Hindu’ India and ‘Muslim’ Pakistan in 1947. And he did it – without visiting the area, without knowledge of culture, in complete secrecy, and destroyed all his papers before he left India. The border affected people, culture, geography, history, and politics. The last Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, thought a hundred thousand deaths as “an acceptable level of violence” – indeed, millions died.

The number of existing enclaves in Bangladesh and India varies from source to source. The partition of the Indian subcontinent left 111 Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh and 51 Bangladeshi enclaves inside Indian territory, according to one source. Other estimates count 130 Indian Chitmahals in Bangladesh and 95 Bangladesh Chitmahals in Indian territory or 102 Indian exclaves inside Bangladesh and 71 Bangladeshi ones inside India. [Source] Whatever the accurate number of enclaves, the combined population in these areas is between 50,000 to 100,000.

All these enclaves are different in shape, size, and characteristics. In fact, Indo-Bangladesh enclaves are perhaps the most interesting, enigmatic, strange, complicated, and ‘Swiss cheese’ kind of map that exists today. Some enclaves are inside another enclave! Dahala Khagrabari is the world’s only third-order enclave, being Indian territory inside a Bangladeshi territory inside an exclave of India in Bangladesh. Suppose a resident of Dahala Khagrabari, India, wishes to reach Delhi. In that case, he/she must cross four international borders: first over into Bangladesh, then into India, back into Bangladesh again, and then, finally, into India.

Enough introduction. Let’s look into some of the enclaves via Google Maps! Some enclave maps have direct links for further exploration.

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Marxism and Islam in Bangladeshi Left Politics

Marxism and Islam in Bangladeshi Left Politics: A Conversation

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‘Marxism and Islam in Bangladeshi Left Politics: A Conversation’ was organized and sponsored by the South Asia Solidarity Initiative (SASI) on Saturday, November 29th, 2014, at a local Restaurant in New York. Azfar Hussain, Associate Professor of Liberal Studies at Grand Valley State University, Michigan, was the key speaker.

The key talking points of the speaker about Marxism and Islam in Bangladeshi Left Politics were as follows:

  • Marxism is falsely described in the West as a power struggle, atheism, dictatorship, against free speech, anti-individual rights, anti-spiritualism, anti-religion, etc. This kind of false stereotype remains. Even within some Marxist theorists (post-modern, post-structuralism, post-humanism, post-colonialism), a selective understanding of Marx’s work has undermined Marx. These created a vast challenge to re-establish Marxism as a valid ideology.
  • There is a new renewal of interest in Marx’s appeal and importance in the light of economic collapse, job loss, labor discontent in the West, and anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist activism in South America and Asia, Africa, and worldwide. Marx appeared on the cover of TIME magazine, and the Wall Street Journal wrote about Marx. Social breakdown, poverty, loss of livelihood, homelessness, and hunger around the world are bringing Marxism back into the game.
  • What is Marxism? Marxism is the body of works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. Almost all and every extension of Marx’s ideas is also Marxism. Marx and Engels combined work (published in 50 volumes) and who followed, applied, acted upon, and stretched the concept of Marx can be called  Marxism. (Lenin, Mao, Che, Castro, MN Roy, Nkrumah, etc). In that sense, Marxism is better called Marxism.
  • Class struggle and the overthrow of capitalism have been the core of Marxism. Still, Marx’s concept of total emancipation of humanity is essential and crucial in understanding Marxism, which has been overlooked. Total emancipation of humanity means freeing oppressed and oppressors as well. The totality of all human practices is included in total emancipation. Therefore, religion is also included. Marxism cannot bypass the question of religion as part of its discussion. The speaker, Azfar Hussain, emphasized that this encompassing concept of Marxism attracts him – not the curbed, curated, stereotyped, narrow idea of Marxism. As a part of the revolutionary transformation and reconstruction of society, the speaker raised the possibility that religion can be seen as a sign of (kind of) class struggle.
  • Many Eastern and Arab philosophers deeply enriched Western Philosophers. Many concepts that are thought to be associated with Western Philosophy were independently developed in the Arabic world, such as rationalism, negative dialectical thinking, etc.
  • Marx lived in Algiers for two months in 1882, a year before he died. He observed various aspects of Islamic civilization and studied North Indian Muslims, Algeria, the Hanafi school of thought, and Indonesian society. Therefore, Marx’s inattentiveness to Islamic society was not correct. Late in his life, Marx paid attention to Islamic law and jurisprudence. Some authors think that Marx saw absolute equality in some social intercourse in the Islamic law practice!
  • The relationship between Marxism and religion is that Marxism pays attention to the totality of lived human practices – including religions. To understand the masses in a given society, it is crucial to understand how they become religious.
  • In the case of Bangladesh, the Left contributed to the formation of Bangladesh by theorizing and sometimes participating in Bangladesh’s national liberation movement. Today, mainstream Bangladesh’s bourgeoisie political culture is marked by the bureaucratization of politics, the militarization of politics, the politicization of the military, the politicization of religion, communalization of democracy, etc. And a significant part of the left has joined mainstream bourgeois political culture. Bangladeshi Left did not understand the question of religion in the light of Marx’s concept of total emancipation of humanity.
  • By and large, the question of religion and Islam has not been addressed in Bangladeshi left politics. Part of the reason is that the Left in Bangladesh is not interested in exploring Marx’s letter writings! For them, Marxism is still a matter of economic extremism, against capitalism, against imperialism, etc. They are not getting any momentum in their politics as they are not focused on the Religious people of Bangladesh.
  • Based on the above talk, Azfar Hussain ended his presentation by suggesting five key propositions regarding Marxism and Islam in Bangladeshi Left Politics:

» Marxism cannot ignore the totality of lived human practices. Religion is one of the practices. Therefore, the issue of religion should be addressed and reckoned with.

» Marxism may move forward the emancipatory potential of religion itself. It can take the challenge of combating and confronting oppressive bourgeoisie abuse of religion by mainstream political culture.

» The Left in Bangladesh largely failed to face the question of religion/Islam. Islam’s forefront role in the anti-imperialist struggle, as well as the struggle of other religions, races, genders, environments, ethnicities, and languages, should be addressed.

» Marx’s letter writings should be discussed thoroughly in the contemporary environment.

» Mass line organizing or revolutionary politics cannot be assertive without considering why and how religion becomes a material force/cause.

It was undoubtedly an interesting talk.

Left politics in Bangladesh was never mainstream. There are many reasons for that. One strong assumption for it is that Bangladesh is a Muslim country. Ideologically, religion (especially Islam) does not go hand in hand with the ideas of Marxism. Therefore, Bangladesh was never shown much excitement about building a classless, secular, equal society for all based on Marxist ideas. Although the ideas of Marx were always an exciting intellectual enthusiasm among many – perhaps they still are. A country’s political history, economic life, cultural trends, societal values, nationalist ideas, spiritual inclination, environmental condition, geographic location, national psyche, international standing, etc., determine its historical place. Seeing and balancing all these factors are important in understanding a nation’s desire and destiny. Left politics missed the opportunity to find the pulse of Bangladesh and its people.

It seems like the above conversation was a way to address this issue. It was good to see that left-leaning thinkers of Bangladeshi origin are trying to spread ideas beyond the core Marxism thoughts (Though they are trying to find some support in Marx’s letters, notebooks, and side notes – which, perhaps, is unnecessary). However, a conversation is a good start. To go further, many questions have to be addressed:

In the West, there are some efforts to equate Marxism with Islam as they try to portray both as evil ideologies! Now, a similar effort is being made by some scholars to assimilate left politics (Marxism) more integrated with religion (Islam) as part of the total emancipation of humanity. How these two opposing viewpoints can be explained? Why religion is being considered as a “comrade” in Marxism now? Is Islam being used as a leftist tool or a genuine understanding? Do religion-based political groups see Marxism as their ally, too? How various versions of Marxism can handshake with many versions of Islam? How does the Left in Bangladesh explain Islam? Etc.

Hard questions were not addressed as most attendees were ‘comrades’ to each other from the same school of thought. The talk ended with a free lunch provided by the restaurant.

Bangladesh Tomorrow: Rethinking Left Politics

Bangladesh Tomorrow: Rethinking Left Politics

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Professor Anu Muhammad, Nazrul Islam, Naeem Mohaiemen, Ahmed Shamim, Dina Siddiqi, and Nayma Qayum talked on various sides of the issue at a seminar on  ‘Bangladesh Tomorrow: Rethinking Left Politics’ at the Graduate Center, CUNY on Tuesday, January 28th.  It was moderated by Humayun Kabir. Most of the attendees were, naturally, of Bangladeshi origin. The event was free. It was sponsored by South Asia Solidarity Initiative (SASI), AlalODulal.org and Bangladesh Environment Network (BEN).

The speakers at ‘Bangladesh Tomorrow: Rethinking Left Politic’s mentioned what has been going on in Bangladesh politics and why hope for a democratic Bangladesh is still a far cry.  They explained the situation from leftist point of view. It was well presented. I agreed with many points but some issues were not clear to me and it seemed like clarification was avoided, not because they wanted to make it vague but they could not have a clear answer yet. The speakers mentioned about Bangladeshi People’s struggle for a free and fair democratic system but how they have been squeezed between ‘dui mohila’ (two women) system – what Prof. Anu Muhammad calls “two jamindar parties.” Professor Anu mentioned how ordinary people worked, in some situations, to overcome unjust oppressive situations and were able to win over some demands! They wanted more of these kind action and awareness from Bangladeshi people.

The speakers hoped more conversation among the Bangladeshis living home and abroad about political condition in Bangladesh. For me, the brightest side of the event was to see many young people who attended. I enjoyed listening to the speakers. However, I wanted to know what the left are doing in Bangladesh to change the current situation? Are the left capable of bringing people together as a whole? Who are the PEOPLE  in the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh? Who represent the people? Do Bangladeshis think themselves as a ‘we the people’ first and or more of a class of people? Is there any innovative solution suggested by any parties?  What is the left’s approach to socialist ideas now as the world has been changing so fast?

In a writing, Prof.  Anu Muhammad stated that the Bangladeshi left’s own historic weaknesses and internal divisions have also contributed to this crisis of perception. And yet, as Anu Muhammad points out, “if the left is so insignificant, why do the mainstream parties spend so much energy trying to verbally attack us?” Well, because most of the time the strong fight with the weak and insignificant parties, not with the strong. There are many examples of that in history. Mainstream parties spend energy to attack left – not because left is significant but – that is a strategy for the strong. In the case Bangladesh, two mainstream ‘jamindar parties’ spend so much energy trying to verbally attack the left to divert people’s attention from the real issue.

I think there are many analytical problems in left politics in Bangladesh. It may be deeply rich in critical intellectual analysis but it could be much more reality-based to overcome its shortcomings.

From my part, I should think deeper about the issue. Congratulation to the organizer for the event and hope they will do more.